Аннотация:This paper examines island effects in Russian indirect yes/no questions formed with the li particle. Such questions have two possible configurations: the enclitic ( li ) follows either the clause predicate or a preposed focused element. In this study an experiment was conducted to see (i.) how the configuration affects the acceptability of moving DOs out of indirect questions; (ii.) how the type of A′-movement affects the acceptability of moving DOs out of indirect questions. The results show that both factors are significant.